Q & A

People need reform, not IFMIS—Expert

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As the debate over the scale of civil servants’ involvement in the unprecedented looting of public resources continues to rage, EPHRAIM NYONDO sought views of Happy Kayuni, associate professor of public administration at Chancellor College, on what could be the problem with the country’s civil service.

Q: There has always been talk that the country public service sector needs to be reformed. Briefly what template is Malawi using right now?

A:

The current reforms in the Malawi public sector were inspired by an early 1990s global quest for public sector reform. The general guiding principle is to bring private sector practices in the public sector in what was popularly known as ‘New Public Management’ (NPM) or ‘Reinventing Government’. The whole notion is replete with such ideas of ‘economic rationalism’ in the public sector. Some people have simplified the whole reform as driven by three ‘Es’- that stand for economy, efficiency and effectiveness. ICT has also been instrumental in the reform so as to ensure that the three ‘Es’ are achieved. Consequently, Ifmis was introduced in the Malawi public sector to improve on the financial management perspective.

Q: But the looting at the Capital Hill today is a symbol that the reforms are wanting. What do you think?

A:

When NPM is applied in some countries such as Malawi, there are several problems that come to the fore. One such is that the reform package assumes that the public sector will be divorced from political control. The reality is that the contract system of recruitment of senior staff introduced by NPM has actually intensified politicisation of the system in Malawi.

Q: Would you explain what you mean when you say ‘politicisation of the system’?

A:

We have seen how politicians have ended up firing or hiring senior public sector employees at will with no serious regard to their capability or track record. Dubious or questionable characters with ruling party connections have found their way into key public sector positions in some cases with dishonest motives. One of the core elements of a public sector is continuity which is maintained through security of tenure of its personnel. Politicisation brings in uncertainty and tension. Public officers lose their objectivity to enhance their own personal survival. It is not surprising that we have been seeing government resources or personnel being used to organise ruling party activities. Party and public sector boundaries are becoming more and more blurred to the extent that ruling parties deem the public sector as ‘their’ possession hence, dictate to it what they want.

Q: But what about the ethical obligations with regards to the reforms the country’s public service has had over the years? Have there been considerations?

A:

The issue of ethical obligations or values has tended to miss in the public reform package. Public sector employees are not just ‘ordinary’ employees, they have to adhere to specific ethical standards and these were ignored in the initial public sector reforms.

Q: But Malawi has the Service Charter introduced during Bingu wa Mutharika’s first term in office?

A:

It is very recently that the Malawi Government introduced the Service Charter as a means of pushing for these ethical values. I should make it very clear here that in the public sector, there are two aspects that qualify someone: the technical knowledge as well as the ethical values of a public official/administrator. You can be an engineer with technical knowledge to head a department for instance in the Ministry of Energy, but the public administration values or ethical values are still important. It is not surprising that proper training in public administration as a professional field of study is no longer valued at top level. For instance, in the past, no one from the position of executive officer and above could be confirmed in their positions until they have undergone an intensive induction course or programme at Mpemba where public administration values or ethical values were inculcated. It is now common for someone to come from nowhere and end up being a director or even principal secretary in key government institutions with no proven track record of good performance in the system as well as knowledge of public sector ethical values. In the past, graduating students of public administration programme in the University of Malawi were given priority in key government administrative departments such as the OPC, but today those with an education background etc are given priority. Such individuals manning key positions have seriously eroded the professional cadre of public administration as a field and a genuine professional cadre of public administrators is highly demotivated.

Q: Amid cash-gate involving civil service, what would you propose to be a way out in terms of reforming the public service?

A:

Emphasis on several elements of public sector reforms is meaningless if the above mentioned problems are not addressed. For instance, Ifmis is merely an instrument but the people who handle the system are the ones who need serious reform. All in all, Malawi public sector reform has ignored the human aspect, but emphasised the procedural and structural aspects and the consequences have been apparent.

People need reform, not IFMIS—Expert

EPHRAIM NYONDO

As the debate over the scale of civil servants’ involvement in the unprecedented looting of public resources continues to rage, I sought views of Happy Kayuni, associate professor of public administration at Chancellor College, on what could be the problem with the country’s civil service.

Q: There has always been talk that the country public service sector needs to be reformed. Briefly what template is Malawi using right now?

A:

The current reforms in the Malawi public sector were inspired by an early 1990s global quest for public sector reform. The general guiding principle is to bring private sector practices in the public sector in what was popularly known as ‘New Public Management’ (NPM) or ‘Reinventing Government’. The whole notion is replete with such ideas of ‘economic rationalism’ in the public sector. Some people have simplified the whole reform as driven by three ‘Es’- that stand for economy, efficiency and effectiveness. ICT has also been instrumental in the reform so as to ensure that the three ‘Es’ are achieved. Consequently, Ifmis was introduced in the Malawi public sector to improve on the financial management perspective.

Q: But the looting at the Capital Hill today is a symbol that the reforms are wanting. What do you think?

A:

When NPM is applied in some countries such as Malawi, there are several problems that come to the fore. One such is that the reform package assumes that the public sector will be divorced from political control. The reality is that the contract system of recruitment of senior staff introduced by NPM has actually intensified politicisation of the system in Malawi.

Q: Would you explain what you mean when you say ‘politicisation of the system’?

A:

We have seen how politicians have ended up firing or hiring senior public sector employees at will with no serious regard to their capability or track record. Dubious or questionable characters with ruling party connections have found their way into key public sector positions in some cases with dishonest motives. One of the core elements of a public sector is continuity which is maintained through security of tenure of its personnel. Politicisation brings in uncertainty and tension. Public officers lose their objectivity to enhance their own personal survival. It is not surprising that we have been seeing government resources or personnel being used to organise ruling party activities. Party and public sector boundaries are becoming more and more blurred to the extent that ruling parties deem the public sector as ‘their’ possession hence, dictate to it what they want.

Q: But what about the ethical obligations with regards to the reforms the country’s public service has had over the years? Have there been considerations?

A:

The issue of ethical obligations or values has tended to miss in the public reform package. Public sector employees are not just ‘ordinary’ employees, they have to adhere to specific ethical standards and these were ignored in the initial public sector reforms.

Q: But Malawi has the Service Charter introduced during Bingu wa Mutharika’s first term in office?

A:

It is very recently that the Malawi Government introduced the Service Charter as a means of pushing for these ethical values. I should make it very clear here that in the public sector, there are two aspects that qualify someone: the technical knowledge as well as the ethical values of a public official/administrator. You can be an engineer with technical knowledge to head a department for instance in the Ministry of Energy, but the public administration values or ethical values are still important. It is not surprising that proper training in public administration as a professional field of study is no longer valued at top level. For instance, in the past, no one from the position of executive officer and above could be confirmed in their positions until they have undergone an intensive induction course or programme at Mpemba where public administration values or ethical values were inculcated. It is now common for someone to come from nowhere and end up being a director or even principal secretary in key government institutions with no proven track record of good performance in the system as well as knowledge of public sector ethical values. In the past, graduating students of public administration programme in the University of Malawi were given priority in key government administrative departments such as the OPC, but today those with an education background etc are given priority. Such individuals manning key positions have seriously eroded the professional cadre of public administration as a field and a genuine professional cadre of public administrators is highly demotivated.

Q: Amid cash-gate involving civil service, what would you propose to be a way out in terms of reforming the public service?

A:

Emphasis on several elements of public sector reforms is meaningless if the above mentioned problems are not addressed. For instance, Ifmis is merely an instrument but the people who handle the system are the ones who need serious reform. All in all, Malawi public sector reform has ignored the human aspect, but emphasised the procedural and structural aspects and the consequences have been apparent.

If I were

Catherine Gotani-Hara

With Garry Chirwa

Minister of Health, I would do something about the pathetic situation in a number of hospitals, in particular Kamuzu Central Hospital (KCH) where there have been reports of drug and medical supplies crisis.

If I were madam Hara, I would realise that when one of the country’s biggest referral hospitals is battling a severe drug and medical supplies crisis, then something is terribly wrong and the situation requires my urgent attention.

While such problems might have been addressed for now, I would ensure that they do not occur again. As someone responsible for a crucial ministry such as Health, I would appreciate the need to be on top of things all the time and not just enjoy the luxury of riding in the latest Mercedes Benz.

Yes, I would appreciate, if I were Catherine Gotani-Hara that when a big hospital such as KCH has no simple things such as masks which cost K200, then it raises questions as to whether government really values its people’s lives.

I would also appreciate, if I were the good lady that is Catherine, that this is not the first time medical workers at the hospital have taken up the issue with government.

If only I were the Health Minister, I would have learnt lessons from the late president Bingu wa Mutharika’s death which could probably have been avoided if some important equipment were available.

That is if only I were one Catherine Gotani-Hara. Unfortunately, I am not her!

ANALYSIS

44 parties want your vote, but…

JAMES CHAVULA

They cheat, scramble for votes, hijack multimillion kwacha business contracts and seemingly nest above the law. They are feared and distrusted by the majority of Malawians who alternatively call politics a dirty game.

“History shows they are the worst in terms of transparency and accountability,” said Happy Kayuni, an associate professor based at Chancellor College, of political parties amid plans to start collecting membership fees from their sympathisers.

If there are organisations that are “demonised, despised and are wished to be wiped away”, they are political parties.

Former minister of Justice Ralph Kasambara, founder of Congress of Democrats, passed this verdict in December last year amid strides towards strengthening of the Political Party Act in December last year.

Like Kasambara implored, political parties need to be better organised because they are the lifeblood of democracy. However, daily reports of corruption, secrecy and power struggles portray politics as survival of the filthiest.

To Mbayani resident Emmanuel Mpando and other proponents of rule of law, it is time the country had strict laws to regulate the formation, financing and conduct of political parties with the regulatory codes they love to impose on the citizenry.

“Transparency and accountability are pillars of democracy, but I wonder why politicians conduct themselves as untouchable. Unfortunately, there are too many in the country and registering parties seems to be big business,” said Mpando, 42.

Interviewed at the ground floor of the building housing the registrar of political parties’ office in Blantyre, the man confessed losing count of political parties in the country and could only cite Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), United Democratic Front (UDF), Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the ruling People’s Party (PP).

But a spiralling staircase to the registrar’s office transports curious minds to generous truths. Since the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1993, the office has registered 50 parties. Six of them, including Brown Mpinganjira’s National Democratic Alliance (NDA), have been deregistered since. Only 44 are still operational.(See list of registered parties here).

Pluralism

Split by chronic infighting, Alliance for Democracy (Aford) is the firstborn in democratic Malawi—officially consigning MCP, whose 31-year one-party rule ended with the birth of multiparty politics, to position six. Apparently, the longest serving party was re-registered much later than UDF, United Front for Multiparty Democracy (UFMD), Malawi Democratic Party (MDP) and Malawi National Democratic Party (MNDP).

From the list, sprawling plurality is glaring. There are the likes of Hetherwick Ntaba’s National Congress for Democracy (NCD), Gwanda Chakuamba’s Republican Party and Uladi Mussa’s Maravi Peoples Party (MPP) which survived unceremonious deregistration due to their founders’ penchant for government appointments.

There are also such idle oldies with negligible or no membership as the Congress for Second Republic (CSR), UFMD and MDP. Also on the ‘shortlist’ are unimaginative names such as Forum Party and many others which have never contested for presidency in their lifetime.

More parties present a diversity of choices for voters, the change Malawians wanted in 1993. However, political analyst Blessings Chinsinga says having over 40 parties is unrealistic for Malawi.

Early this year, the associate professor based at Chancellor College argued: “Most parties are founded with no objective and offer no solution to people’s problems. Small parties are formed by parties because big parties have failed to manage internal politics.”

He reckoned the majority of them are characterised by an insignificant following, unclear manifestoes and identical values.

Precisely, the bitter beginnings of small parties are clearly mirrored by UDF and its offshoots, United Party (UP) and NDA. In the background dossier for UP in 1999, the late Bingu wa Mutharika, who also co-found DPP during his presidency in 2005, admitted quitting then ruling UDF due to its errors in judgement, strategy and management, which left politicians getting richer while the poor were getting poorer.

Likewise, manifestoes of Mpinganjira’s NDA attack UDF for worsening corruption, hunger and poverty.

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