The latest Corruption Perception Index (CPI) published by the Transparency International (TI) shows Malawi’s fight against corruption has stagnated, scoring 34 points since 2022. The country has moved from 115 to 107 on the list of 180 countries. The poll shows that 72 percent of the respondents think corruption has increased in the previous year, while 28 percent paid a bribe to public service providers. In this interview, our Mzuzu Bureau Supervisor JOSEPH MWALE engages governance expert Gift Sambo, from the University of Malawi, who believes the war on corruption is withering. Excerpts:
Q
: Generally, what do you make of stagnation in the corruption fight?
A
: In general, Malawi’s vibrant legal and institutional anti-corruption framework has evolved. However, such well -informed and legitimate institutional changes, coupled with the increase in funding, do not always translate into success stories in the governance agenda. Legal and institutional frameworks require a supportive culture at both the mass and elite levels. As a nation, we need citizens who are politically sophisticated enough to understand the evils of corruption, attribute credit and blame to the right actors and be prepared to do the needful in fighting against corruption. At the elite level, making headways in the corruption fight requires political will and leadership that is ethically unshaken. Those in power should be prepared to take the leading role in this noble governance agenda. Unfortunately, in Malawi, such citizens are in short supply ,largely due to high levels of poverty and illiteracy. At the elite level, politicians are engulfed in power struggles; thereby, losing focus in the anti-corruption agenda. Despite efforts towards institutional strengthening, key governance stakeholders continue to miss the opportunity to create a corruption-free society in Malawi.
Q
:Transparency International ranks Tanzania highly, citing an anti-corruption crusade that has seen high-level public officials suspected of corruption being instantly relieved of their positions to pave the way for investigations and trial. Tanzania has also established a special court to prosecute corruption-related crimes. So, why is Malawi still stagnant, yet it also has a similar court and some officials have been fired before?
A
: I’m inclined to believe that stable, predictable and institutionalised party systems offer a conducive environment and space for political elites to effectively embark on the anti-corruption and the governance agenda in general. To understand this, it is important to appreciate the critical role that political parties play in the governance agenda. They permeate critical arenas of governance at both national and local levels such as Cabinet meetings, lawmaking and local politics. Governing parties, owing to their attachment with the bureaucracy, constitute key gatekeepers for the success of almost all anti-corruption initiatives. In this regard, Tanzania’s political context is diametrically opposed to the situation that obtains in Malawi. Tanzania operates in the context of a dominant party system where the governing party [Chama Cha Mapinduzi] is relatively guaranteed electoral success. In such a context, the governing party can afford the luxury of committing themselves to the governance agenda without being overly concerned about the demands of electoral success. This is not the case in Malawi, where the party system has evolved into a highly contested two-horse race. This means that unlike Tanzania’s scenario, the governing party in Malawi is likely to be inclined towards suspending the governance agenda to effectively focus on playing the politics of survival in the electoral contest. This partly explains why dominant party systems like Tanzania’s are likely to make headways in the anti-corruption agenda. In other words, we should not expect too much from party elites in Malawi as we are approaching the September 16 General Elections in as far as the governance agenda is concerned. Realistically, our political elites have no choice but to focus on the question of political survival.
Q
: For over a year, the ACB has not had a confirmed director general. How is this contributing to the lacklustre fight against corruption?
A
: Leadership is critical in the success of every organisation, especially in formal organisations like ACB. As is the case with all constitutionally sanctioned watchdog institutions, ACB should be seen as a system with many parts working together for the attainment of the collective mission of defeating corruption. As such, the vacancy at the top of ACB cannot be a legitimate excuse for poor performance. Key stakeholders should not be constrained to demand more from the institution amid the scenario in question.
Q
: How do we move out of these woods to truly end corruption?
A
: We need to create a political culture at both the elite and mass levels that detest corruption in all its forms. The masses should be socialised to develop the sense of ownership as far as the issues of governance are concerned. This will help create a politically well-informed citizenry sophisticated enough to engage and check the political machinations of the elites. At the elite level, this requires harnessing efforts towards the creation of strong political leadership committed towards ethical governance principles such as honesty and integrity and servant leadership. Such a supportive political culture could propel Malawi towards a corruption free society.
