Hunger overshadows Kanyika mine

What is right about breakthroughs in the mining sector? Maybe everything except the sidelining of local communities who suffer the worst side effects of increased activity. JAMES CHAVULA writes. I n Africa, the mention of mining conjures up unsettling images of multinational firms unearthing truckloads of rare earth, making billions and sidelining locals while government sleeps on duty. Amid the grim environment, communities surrounding Kanyika Niobium Mine in Mzimba think it is only fair when the proceeds from the mineral wealth will trickle down to them, making their lives better. By this they want schools in their midst upgraded, roads transformed into tarmac, a hospital built close to where they live and jobs dominated by their children—after all, they are often the worst hit when it comes to noise, air pollution, water contamination, resettlement, infectious diseases and other side effects of the multibillion dollar industry Sadly, the single most important population usually goes unheard as companies investing in the country’s mining sector are legally required to seal the deals with the central government—often without involving or hearing out the locals.

This breeds secrecy and impunity. At worst, the result can be predictably undreamed of—frustration, uncertainty, restlessness, unrest and questions. It worsens poverty. A case in point is Master Honde, 39, and about 250 residents of Traditional Authority (T/A) Mabulabo who live near Kanyika where Globe Metals and Mining Africa intend to start mining niobium and tantalum with the potential production of uranium and zircon. Until Globe started carting bulks of Niobium samples in 2006, Honde was the master of his household, a vast land where he used to grow maize, cassava, groundnuts and bananas to feed his wife and six children. To supplement his income, he used to do a small-scale business, making and selling oxcarts. However, the unexpected happened in August last year. He remembers officials from the Ministry of Lands and Mbelwa District Council visiting him to say: “You’ll be required to leave this land because it lies in the way of the mine.” Yet, this was no cause for worry for the person who has grown up believing that mining can transform his rural setting into a town the size of sprawling Copperbelt in neighbouring Zambia. However, he started fearing for his life and brood when the officials returned, telling him that he would receive K1.8 million—a figure arrived at without “ample negotiation, sensitisation and explanation”—for the land handed down from his great grandparents. Honde calls the land the most treasured possession, the main source of income and livelihood for generations gone, present and to come. “K1 million may be big money for a villager who has never touched a K100 000, but it is peanuts if you know what the land means to my family.

It’s the only thing I inherited from my father and culturally, I am supposed to hand it down to my children and their children. “Where can you get 20 acres for that amount? What about the house with corrugated iron sheets? I am afraid even my business will no longer be the same when we shift to a different area,” he said. But this is not the only reason the small-scale businessperson and his colleagues call the mine a raw deal, a sickening secret which may never benefit them. They say their lives came to a standstill because they were told that the compensation and resettlement packages were ready. “The officials from the district council told us that all of us will be relocated by February this year, but offered no explanation when the deadline passed without anything worthwhile,” he said. The communities around Kanyika now blame the thickening uncertainty for food shortage ravaging the area. They say the relocation deadline was prohibitive even for maize growing which usually matures in March. “When they assured us to move by February, they told us to stop developing the land—meaning we couldn’t build a house, plant a tree or put in place shelter for our livestock.

Some left the fields unattended because we thought the time was inadequate even for fast-maturing crops such as maize and groundnuts. Then we were convinced that the compensation would help us fill the food gap, but with the officials promising too little and taking time to honour their word, we don’t know what to do?” said John Nkhata. According to Group Village Head Mberewere, the government officials, acting on behalf of the investor, did not bar the locals from growing maize or any crop but the grace period was in itself a stop order. “Some of us grew maize just in case things did not go according to plan, but the crop was devastated by drought which struck just when it was a knee high. Unfortunately, we couldn’t plant cassava because it takes a long time to mature,” said the traditional leader.

The broken promise and the act of nature have left the area, which Mberewere prefers to call a “food basket for Mzimba and neighbouring areas,” relying on a food relief programme run by World Vision as part of government intervention to mitigate hunger countrywide. “It is a shame, very shocking that an area which used to be a food basket is now relying on handouts. When the district commissioner Francis Chimphepo promised to do something, we thought he was talking about a special intervention for those affected by the failed resettlement, but we are surprised to be hooked to a nationwide intervention which only reaches one or two people per village,” he complained. According to Chimphepo, 240 households will be resettled “when government and Globe Metals finally sign a development agreement currently under negotiation.” He claimed that those affected are happy with the resettlement and relocation packages on offer, saying only 25 have not found where to go. However, the affected population says it is too little too late. Besides, they feel the negotiated compensations are getting worthless by the day due to the depreciation of the kwacha. “Those who identified a piece of land may not find it at the same value when the money finally arrives. When that happens, we will discover that we sold our land for no gain,” said Hopeson Kalonde. Their complaints are many, but they have no agreements with the mining firms, government or their agents. “Since the dawn of democracy in 1993, government has been chanting the slogan: ‘Power to the people’. Why are they failing to devolve the powers of the Ministry of Mining to the district level so that there is somebody close to take our questions and fears?” wondered Honde. At some point, the villagers threatened to shut down the mine unless their voices were heeded.

To stem a looming crisis, Principal Secretary in the Ministry of Mining Dr Leonard Kalindekafe visited Kanyika in September and promised to form a committee to act as a bridge between the people and other stakeholders—government, the mining firm and the civil society. While the dialogue committee is yet to come, the Church and Society of the Livingstonia CCAP Synod, under Tilotonse Fund’s Tonse Tipindule Programme, has put into place an all-encompassing local group to spearhead dialogue, transparency, participation and responsiveness in the mining sector. Church and Society programme manager Park Mhonda-Mapunda said training and strengthening local groups will free people from a culture of secrecy, week laws and policies, uncoordinated civil society initiatives and other challenges that leave them voiceless and powerless on matters of mining. “There is need to empower people with information and advocacy skills so that they can engage all stakeholders on issues that affect their communities. Malawians will forever be losers unless they stand up and lead the way in reforming weak laws which were made in the 1980s when the country’s focus was on agriculture and mining was thought to be non-existent,” he said of the win-win project the faith-based organisation is implementing alongside Norwegian Church Aid.

The community members say they were groping in the dark until the civil society, including Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) and ActionAid, joined in the battle for adequate resettlement and compensation. Last year, the mine made headlines due to revelations that water sources—rivers, boreholes and shallow wells—were polluted by uranium and other radioactive materials. Sadly, residents say, nothing has been done to reverse the health hazard contrary to World Health Organisation (WHO) water standards. “Boreholes are still far apart. The drilling for mineral samples which has been happening since 2006 is lowering the water table. Now, women have to walk and wait for hours to get water from boreholes which are not polluted,” said Virginia Chisi, 35, a mother of five from Yobe Nhlane Village in the area. Looking forward, Ngwenya villager Eliza Maunda, 25, and Mberewere’s Martha Bandawe, 21, feel the youth will inherit worse problems if government allows the mining sector to continue growing against people’s interests. As hazards and discontent are taking root, government and Globe are yet to reach an agreement. “What we want is the best for the country and the company as well.

We were hoping to have the agreement finalised but Globe is yet to give us a response,” Bande told Mining in Malawi last month. As the talks continue despite government’s weak laws and negotiating powers, the publication also quotes Globe managing director Alistair Stephens, who wants government to “dangle exciting deals to the mining investors”, as saying the agreement requires “significant review and negotiation to achieve the possible outcomes for both parties”.

The mining industry has become increasingly active in the past decade and the recently released Mining Policy sees the sector doubling its contribution to the national economy from 10 percent to 20 percent by 2016. While government and Globe are negotiating the draft agreement