Layman's Reflection

Social protection must deliver more than promises

The launch of Malawi’s new social protection policy comes with no shortage of ambition. It carries the weight of expectation—an attempt to break a long-running cycle where government efforts have often arrived too late or reached too few.

But while the launch has generated plenty of words, the question remains: will this new strategy put food on people’s tables, keep children in school, and help families withstand the shocks they face with every failed harvest or health emergency?

That’s the real measure of success—not the policy’s alignment with international frameworks or how well it’s written.

The new policy outlines a shift from short-term emergency aid to long-term protection, with a focus on planning for vulnerability rather than reacting to disaster. It’s structured around seven pillars, among them support for informal workers, safety nets that can respond to shocks like floods or droughts, and programmes that link assistance to better nutrition and sustainable livelihoods. These are all necessary steps, especially in a country where the majority of the workforce operates in the informal economy and climate-related risks are rising.

There’s no debate about the need for reform. Over half the population lives below the poverty line, surviving on less than K3 800 a day. One in five Malawians lives in ultra-poverty. These are not abstract figures—they point to households with empty pots, sick children missing school, and elderly people going without medical care. If social protection is going to mean anything at all, it has to reach these people in a reliable, meaningful way.

That is where the past policy fell short. Too often, help came only when it was already too late. This time, officials say the response will be better coordinated and based on data through an improved national beneficiary registry. They point to efforts already underway, such as extending the reach of the Social Cash Transfer Programme, and speak of drawing more support from domestic revenue rather than relying almost entirely on donors.

But here lies the problem. For all the talk of local ownership, Malawi’s social protection system still leans heavily on foreign funding—about 90 percent of it. Government contributions remain low, and at present only one district is covered using domestic resources. The rest of the country depends on support from development partners, whose priorities and timelines don’t always match the realities on the ground.

This raises a fair question: if the country is serious about protecting its poorest citizens, why isn’t that reflected in the budget?

We’re told the policy aligns with the country’s long-term development plans. That’s good. But communities won’t judge it based on technical compliance with national or global agendas. They’ll judge it by whether they can feed their children tomorrow. Whether they can access medicine without walking 20 kilometres. Whether they stop depending on last-minute food distributions when the next drought arrives.

Good intentions are not enough. This new policy will only matter if it’s backed by money, coordination, and a deep sense of responsibility to the people it’s meant to serve. Social protection shouldn’t feel like charity. It should be predictable, efficient, and fair—like any other public service.

That means the government must gradually increase its share of financing, district by district. It means communities must be involved in monitoring whether programmes are reaching the right people. And it means recognising that poverty is not a statistic—it’s a lived experience that demands more than policies written in neat paragraphs.

We’ve heard the promises. Now it’s time to see the follow-through. If this policy stays on paper, it will join a shelf already too crowded. But if it delivers what it claims, it could finally turn Malawi’s social protection system into something more than a slogan—a working shield for those who need it most.

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